The murder of Ján Kuciak / Slobodník threatens Bödör and Fic with Kaliňák – postoj.sk

The co-accused Bernard Slobodník, pejoratively referred to as a penitent, testified at the court in the case of the murder of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová. According to the indictment, it was ordered by the mobster Marián Kočner. Although Slobodník’s testimony is in principle only an extended version of the interview he gave last December to the author of this commentary, it is worth adding a few notes to his key theses and claims. Among other things, also because it is one thing to speak – even on the record – to a journalist and quite another to confirm one’s words from the preliminary proceedings in court. Under oath and at the risk of prosecution if he did not tell the truth. Not to mention the threats and attempts to influence Slobodník faced since he started cooperating with the police. That’s also why he went to court hearings for a while in a bulletproof vest, accompanied by hoodlums. Four lines Moreover, Slobodník is not just anyone. He was supposed to be in the third line in Norbert Bödör’s criminal group. At the very top was Bödör himself, below him was Tibor Gašpar, followed by Robert Krajmer, Peter Hraško and Slobodník. The fourth link in the hierarchy should have been Ľudovít Makó and Dušan Kováčik. Below them were only policemen and siskars who ensured lustrations, surveillance and collection of kompromat on Smer’s political competitors. Primarily on Igor Matovič and Andrej Kiska, but also on Boris Kollár, Milan Krajniak or Daniel Lipšic. This part of the criminal group’s activities is well mapped by the police thanks to Makó’s statements. Slobodník is the second most important witness after Makó in the context of cases such as Purgatory and Twilight, which directly concern former Prime Minister Robert Fico and ex-Minister of the Interior Robert Kaliňák. Motives This is also why it should not be taken lightly when he says that Gašpar brought information to Fic about the investigation into the murder of Ján Kuciak and his fiancee. And that the oligarch Bödör was also informed about the case in the same detail. Without conspiring about their motives, these are people who should have known nothing about it. The prime minister is the head of the executive branch, which in normal countries is separate from the investigation. Bödör was even a civilian (!). Slobodník’s remark that the presence of Krajmer and Hrašek at the crime scene (Kuciak’s murder in Veľká Mač) was ordered by Gašpar is also worth mentioning. With the explanation that “our people will do something stupid there”. It is also clear from this that the former leadership of the state and the security forces were very keen to have the investigation of the murder under control from the beginning. We still do not know the answer to the question why (for whom) they did it. Head and neck According to Slobodník, however, Gašpar, Bödör, Krajmer and Hraško were nervous when they learned that he communicated with Kuciak before the murder. The reason was also Kočner’s Technopol case, about which the journalist wrote intensively. Bödör’s Slobodník group suspected that he was passing on information to Kuciak about the nature of the case and its investigation. And today the court is investigating whether Kuciak’s work at Technopole could have been the motive for ordering his murder. Bernard Slobodník’s older and current testimonies threaten several high-ranking people at the same time. First of all, Bödör, who was supposed to be the head of the police mafia – and the brains behind most of the group’s operations. In the second row, Gašpar as a powerful player, who ensured three things through the lower units (Krajmer, Hraško) – the protection of our people, sweeping toxic cases under the carpet and political overwork in favor of Smer. Instructions from the Boss And last but not least, Fico himself with Kaliňák. Slobodník is not the only one who testifies that Bödör’s clan acted on party orders. Makó or František Imrecze also testified in a similar vein. Fico was even supposed to give instructions on which contracts for financial administration would be “won” by people close to Smer. Meetings at the Government Office or the Department of the Interior, where Matovič and Kisko were discussed, are also known. In the presence of Bödör. His soldiers supplied the documents that Fico and Kaliňák were then to use in the political struggle. At the same time, the Minister of the Interior gave Bödör a free hand in filling important positions. The aforementioned Slobodník is also an example. A police officer from the district, who probably would never have become the head of the financial police without Bödör (and Gašpar). When installed in the position, they wanted two things from him: loyalty and passing on information from the investigation of sensitive cases. On both sides, Slobodník served them for a long time, because it was profitable. On the one hand, he suffered from a higher standard of living, branded clothes, etc. And at the same time, he was finally someone: by virtue of his position, he could move pieces like in a computer game. When necessary, he also turned the investigator who wanted to raid Ladislav Bašternák’s company. Or he ensured that the oligarch Juraj Široký was not prosecuted in the Váhostav case. Of course, not for free. Gradually, however, he began to play on two sides. He met with Kuciak – and at the same time brought information to Bödör about the Technopol investigation, which interested Kočner. Was it self-preservation, remorse or cold calculation? We don’t even know the answer to this question yet. The only thing that is certain is that Slobodník and other penitents are neither heroes nor victims. They became part of the system voluntarily, so it is appropriate that they bear the consequences for their actions. Law and evidence However, it should not be forgotten that their testimonies reveal the upper levels of an organized group. And it’s not just about statements like that they were personally present at the phone calls between Bödör and Fico, who were also supposed to meet at Smer’s headquarters. Bödör was supposed to visit her several times, especially before the 2016 elections. Once he was even supposed to leave for Bratislava early – after a phone call from Fico – from Levice, where he stopped with Gašpar in the vineyards of Bernard Slobodník. Statements in which they describe specific political tasks, interpreted directly (by Fico or Kaliňák) or indirectly (by Bödör or Gašpar) are key. So far, they fit together like a Lego puzzle. This is also why Robert Fico’s reaction is at least surprising. Kaliňák is said to have managed the resort “qualifiedly, with a clear overview and respect”. There were no shadow structures, of course, and the Freeman is a fraud. If he defends himself with similar platitudes in court, he may end up with a request to cancel his accusation through section 363. The courtroom is not a political arena, as a rule, law and evidence decide there.