Nothing in the political culture that has developed in France in recent years has prepared national representation for the challenge before it: avoiding political deadlock in a deeply fractured country. The consultations initiated by the Head of State with the leaders of the various parties, Tuesday, June 21, two days after the French vote, illustrate the seriousness of the moment. The entry into force of the extreme right in the Chamber, for the first time since 1958, coincides with the loss of the absolute majority by the executive and the presence, on its left flank, of a heterogeneous coalition but numerically important. The Palais-Bourbon reflects much more faithfully than in the past the real political state of the country. We can only rejoice. Its members obtain the possibility of existing much more strongly than during the previous quinquennium, which is also welcome. Read also: Article reserved for our subscribers Before returning to the National Assembly, Marine Le Pen coaches her deputies The whole thing, however, comes with a major risk: instability. Because, if the government is not sure of having a sufficient number of votes to pass its bills, there is still no alternative majority capable of supporting another policy. All the political forces are therefore put under maximum pressure, forced to adapt their game to a deal that takes them by surprise. The first affected is the Head of State, who embodied verticality throughout his first five-year term, justifying it by the number and intensity of the crises he had to manage. Re-elected with 58.5% of the votes cast on April 24, Emmanuel Macron must thoroughly reconsider his method of government and perhaps even his government to try to rally as many partners as possible. The dual presidential and legislative campaign hardly prepared him for this. He seemed to play hide and seek with his opponents, at the risk of letting a virulent antimacronism swell. The principle of the coalition which seems so natural to our European neighbors is for the moment firmly rejected by the moderate parties, on the right as on the left, not unhappy to see the stumble of the one who claims, since 2017, to oust them from the political scene. Read also: Article reserved for our subscribers Deputies of the majority confused and in search of new leaders The 43 votes that the majority lacks to govern have a scent of revenge for those who want to rehabilitate Parliament or even overthrow the executive. In this game, Jean-Luc Mélenchon is the most offensive. He urges Elisabeth Borne to engage the responsibility of the government before the National Assembly, without being assured that she will still be Prime Minister in the days to come. He brandishes the threat of a motion of censure and at the same time tries to impose his hegemony on the rest of the left for fear that La France insoumise, alone, does not weigh enough. His competition with Marine Le Pen to try to snatch the title of number one opponent leads him to a risky one-upmanship, at a time when on the contrary it is necessary to find ways of a compromise. Read also: Article reserved for our Emmanuel Macron subscribers in search of a way out to govern: grand coalition or case-by-case agreements? Nothing would be worse for the country than to be shut down and paralyzed. Ecological transition, health, education, the issues defined during the campaign are too important to risk being blocked. An irritating subject exists: pension reform, widely contested on the left and the far right. Emmanuel Macron will have to reformulate it if he wants to pass it. In the meantime, the first pieces of legislation prepared by the government relate to purchasing power and the fight against global warming. On these two themes, the expectation is high and the differences are not insurmountable. Everyone on the benches of the National Assembly will have to take their responsibilities. The world
Welcome! Log into your account
Recover your password
A password will be e-mailed to you.