It is possible to explain the reasons why Russian society is loyal to the regime, not to justify it. And the West must support those who oppose it. “First of all by differentiating between the Russian regime, Russian society as a whole, and civil society, the new ‘dissidents’, explains in an interview with Adnkronos Sergey Lukashevsky, the director of the Sakharov Center in Moscow, underlining that” people who are being prosecuted for their protest activity must be recognized as the real Russians, the royal heirs of all that is humanistic and liberal in Russian culture. “” They need to be talked about, “he adds.” Russian activists, especially those who provide legal and other aid to protesters, must be supported with the resources they need, including financial contributions. And the third important thing is the opportunity, for those who have decided to leave the country, to receive asylum, visas “, he specifies, after having decided, in turn, shortly after the start of the war, to leave Russia with the his family. Various reasons for his choice. “It was clear that the attack on Ukraine would lead to a marked increase in pressure on non-governmental organizations dealing with human rights. Since December 2014, the Sakharov Center has been included in the list of so-called ‘foreign agents’. This discriminatory status means that we uphold universal (“Western”) values and take the liberty of criticizing the authorities. “” On March 2, my eldest daughter was arrested for a sticker reading ‘net voine “(no to war, ed. ) on the bag. She was accused of taking part in an “unauthorized mass demonstration.” She spent several hours at the police. In itself, it wasn’t very dangerous. But at that very moment I realized the difference between thinking about repression against me and against my family members. And that if we had stayed in Russia my children, who are teenagers and young adults, would have been in danger because of my status as director of a foreign agent organization, as well as for their position on war “. “The straw that broke the camel’s back was the rumors of the imminent introduction of martial law. In the end, they didn’t prove true. But the thought that we might find ourselves behind a new iron curtain in a neo-totalitarian country is it was unbearable. Part of my family was killed in the Holocaust and another part repressed by Soviet power. It was family memory that dictated me to flee. ” (continued) ‘It is possible to preserve Sakharov’s legacy, but absolutely impossible to promote his values - If he were alive he would be shocked by the war in Ukraine and condemned her’ Is the Sakharov Center still open? “Even before my departure from Moscow, it was decided to suspend all public events. It was too dangerous to tell the truth about the war” and at the same time “it was impossible to discuss anything other than war,” adds Lukashevsky. referring to the law passed immediately after February 24 which “effectively criminalizes any unofficial information on war and even bans naming war as a war, rather than talking about a special operation, with sentences of up to 15 years in prison”. “The Center continues to operate as an Archive and Museum. Formally it is possible to preserve the legacy of Andrei Sakharov, but it is absolutely impossible to promote his values (the mission of the Center is to keep alive and develop Sakharov’s legacy, develop a historical awareness of Soviet totalitarianism and resistance to oppression, promoting the values of freedom, democracy and human rights, ed.) Sakharov had been sent into exile after protesting against the war in Afghanistan. It is absolutely clear that, if he were alive, he would be shocked by the invasion of Ukraine. It would be his nightmare. He dreamed of a free and democratic confederation instead of the Soviet Union, something like the current European Union, but he always supported Ukrainian dissidents and respected the law of nations to self-determination. So without a doubt, Sakharov would have condemned the war and his heart would be on the side of the Ukrainians. ‘(continued)’ nu Mere actuality of war supporters today is the big question.A recent Levada poll indicates that 83 percent of Russians support Putin’s policies. Despite all the laws, however, there are still people protesting. How did Russian society really react to the war? “Several years ago, polls indicated that Russians were very afraid of a war. At the same time, official propaganda provided a large proportion of Russians with elements of resentment. Particularly older people and those who watch television. Today. there are no spontaneous pro-war demonstrations and almost no patriotic stickers on the cars, as happened after the annexation of Crimea “. “However, most Russians are loyal to the regime and have no intention of protesting. The number of real war supporters is the big question. Nine out of ten Russians do not want to participate in polls. A very large proportion of respondents say: ‘ yes, we argue … ‘, Putin, war, whatever, because they think most of their neighbors do. Others are afraid to tell the truth. Unfortunately, however, these analyzes may explain, but not justify, the Russian society. Which gave birth to a regime that consequently pursues aggressive and misanthropic policies of fascist or even Nazi persuasion, relying on the loyalty of this society “. ‘Putin decided for himself, but he could not have done it without widespread support for Crimea’ What has not been grasped in all these months and years in Russia not to expect what then happened on February 24 last? “It is easier to indicate the causes of today’s tragedy – continues Lukashevsky, who is a historian.” The legacy of the Soviet era (the atomization of society, immoralism as a consequence of the decay of Soviet ideology, the post-imperial militarism, the absence of democratic traditions and solid institutions of civil society), the failure of the construction of a modern society (corruption, immense social inequalities, social deprivation for most of the population in the presence of a restricted super rich and middle class not extended and Westernized but politically very weak and distant from other Russians) and the insufficient support of Western countries and involvement of Western institutions for reforms in Russia in the early 1990s. It would have been important, it would have been needed, then, in the 1990s, not in the era of Putin. “” Today, the Russian autocratic elite seeks to destroy the world order, drown Ukraine in blood, because it is not satisfied with the role that Russia has. And it uses the sense of deprivation and dissatisfaction of the Russians who, instead of being confronted by the authorities and the elites, have been transformed by propaganda into resentment and xenophobia. Important, but not the only reason for this war, is to prevent the Russians from calling for a democratic transformation. It is a way for Putin to remain Russian leader ‘forever’. “At what level was the war in Ukraine planned?” It was personally planned by Putin and his inner circle. Even the highest level bureaucrats knew nothing about it. They expected the hybrid cold war of recent years to continue. Perhaps with some escalation coinciding with military exercises. They did not expect a real full-scale war. But Putin could not have made his final decision if the Russian elite and an immense part of Russian society had not been satisfied with the annexation of Crimea and if he had not been happy to renew the post-imperial syndrome and the nostalgia for a status of superpower “(continues) ‘It is important to be absolutely clear in defining the war and the Putin regime’ Is it possible to make comparisons with other historical periods to describe what is happening in Russia today?” On the one hand, it is very important to remember that the ‘Russia case’ is one of the numerous dictatorships that lead their country to shameful and aggressive wars (Saddam Hussein, the Argentine generals. Stalin, Mussolini, Hitler and so on). But at the same time, historical comparisons don’t help. For example, why didn’t I believe in the possibility of war? I thought, based on historical examples, that the regime should first turn into an absolute dictatorship (total censorship, mass repression, totalizing ideology, and so on). The direction was unfortunately clear, but it didn’t seem like they had got there yet. So, in a moral sense, it is important to be absolutely clear in characterizing the war and Putin’s regime, even making comparisons with historical examples, but by thinking about what to do, we must instead free ourselves from the expectation that historical scenarios can repeat themselves “, concludes Lukashevsky. .
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